Comments: PAK *jaž́a (used only in a compound with *šχʷa 'grey' < *šʷǝχʷa q.v.). The compound actually means "grey grass", or possibly just "jaž́a-grass" - because the root *šχʷV in PAK has also the meaning 'burdock, weeds' - but is now folk-etymologically understood as "grey ashes" - because of the confusion of the two originally separate roots (see *jaɣ́a 'ashes').
Comments: Although the correspondences are not quite regular (Abkh. reflects a delabialized *š́, while Ad. ś < *š́ʷ), the Abkh. and Ad. forms are hard to separate. Within the Adygh dialects there is also some variation: Kuipers (1975, 28) compares also Bzhed. śʷāja 'rat' (we would also add Tem. śʷāja id.) reflecting an old variant *sʷajV.
Comments: PAT *jǝ, used only with locative preverbs (*na-jǝ- 'come there', *ʕa-jǝ- 'come here'). There are no known parallels in other WC languages, but there exist possible EC correspondences.
Comments: PAK *jǝnǝ́. Etymology obscure (relationship to Ub. wa 'long', proposed in Шагиров 1,185 is dubious - since the only two secure cases of n:w correspondence between PAK and Ub. occur after labialised consonants, which is not the case in the present root).
Comments: PAT *ḱala (cf. also Bzyb. a-ḱál); PAK *kVLǝ. Despite Klimov 1968, 294 there are no reasons to consider the AT form an AK loan. WC > Svan. köl,kel id. (see Klimov ibid.).
Comments: PAT *ćǝgʷǝ (cf. also Bzyb. a-ćgʷǝ́); PAK *k:at:ǝ́wǝ. The PAK and Ub. forms are clearly related (with assimilation *-ṭ- > -t:- in PAK). However, we think that the PAT form is also a descendant of the same root. Indeed, PAT "hissing-hushing" consonants may go back to PWC palatalized+labialized dentals, thus *ćǝgʷǝ may go back to *t́ʷǝk:ʷǝ, and, if we assume a metathesis (which is very usual in roots of this type with two stops), we may postulate two basic variants for early PWC:
a) *ḱ:aṭ́ǝwǝ > *ḱ:aṭǝwǝ ( > PAK *k:at:ǝ́wǝ, Ub. ǵaṭǝ́);
b) *ḱ:at́ǝwǝ > *ḱ:ʷat́ʷǝ (with regressive labialisation) > PAT *gʷǝćǝ > *ćǝgʷǝ. [Abdokov (1983, 123) compares the Abkh. form with heterogeneous diminutives: Chech. cic-ig, Av. ic:i-ko 'cat, kitty'. This is certainly wrong because of the obviously different morphological structure of EC forms.]
It is interesting to note that these two forms exactly match two variants reconstructed for PEC (*gǟṭuj and *gǟtuj).
Comments: For Kab. the old form ǵǝda is recorded - therefore the loan from Turk. jɨda or Mong. ǯida 'spear' is impossible (despite Shagirov 1, 162). The same is true for Ub. ǵǝṭʷǝ́ (def. á-ǵǝṭʷ).
Kab. ǯǝda presupposes PAK *gǝda or *k:ǝt:a (unfortunately, the corresponding Ad. word is not preserved); Ub. -ṭʷ- shows that the second consonant was glottalised (with assimilation in PAK).
